Title:   WRM BULLETIN 40, NOVEMBER 2000
Source:  WORLD RAINFOREST MOVEMENT
  MOVIMIENTO MUNDIAL POR LOS BOSQUES
  International Secretariat              
  Maldonado 1858, CP 11200     
  Montevideo                                      
  Uruguay
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  E-mail: wrm@wrm.org.uy                            
  Web page: http://www.wrm.org.uy         
Date:  November 27, 2000  
 
In this issue:
 
* OUR VIEWPOINT
 
- Those who did not "work it out" in The Hague
 
* LOCAL STRUGGLES AND NEWS
 
AFRICA
 
- Gabon: The new Forestry Law and transnational companies
- Kenya: Local peoples' land rights ignored
- Nigeria: Shell's choice between profits and principles
- Tanzania: Impasse on commercial shrimp farming at Rufiji Delta
mangroves
 
ASIA
 
- India: Mining and plantations put National Park at risk
- Laos: Subsidies for Swedish profits in the forestry sector
- Malaysia: Campaign against plantation and pulp mill project in
Sabah
- Malaysia: Where is Bruno Manser?
- Thailand: A diversity-based community forest management system
 
CENTRAL AMERICA
 
- Guatemala: Community forest concession initiative at Peten
questioned
 
SOUTH AMERICA
 
- Argentina: A shady carbon sink project
- Brazil: Aracruz caught red handed destroying native forests
- Chile: Wine production threatened by pulp mill project  
- Weyerhaeuser's president promotes plantations in Guyana
 
OCEANIA
 
- Australia: Woodchipping old growth forests for "renewable energy"
- Aotearoa/New Zealand: Logging company's dirty tricks revealed
 
* GENERAL
 
- Concerns over the revision of the World Bank's Indigenous Peoples
policy
- Films on forests and plantations receive award
 
***********************************************************
* OUR VIEWPOINT
************************************************************
 
- Those who did not "work it out" in The Hague
 
The Sixth Conference of the Parties of the Convention on Climate
Change is finally over and nothing much appears to have been achieved
to address global warming. This doesn't come as a surprise, given
that the majority of government delegates -- with a few exceptions --
focused more on how to obtain profits for their countries and
corporations from the new carbon trade than on finding true solutions
to the looming climate disaster.
 
In fact, the conference was more like a weekend bazar than a United
Nations meeting. A new generation of carbon brokers was out in force,
adding their voices to more traditional "business NGOs" composed of
oil corporations and other major polluters of the atmosphere. The
nuclear energy lobby was also prominent in the event, trying to sell
its "clean energy" as a solution to climate change.
 
Unfortunately, other, more respected actors, including environmental
non-governmental organizations, were also laying out their wares in
this marketplace, trying to sell forests and plantations as "emission
cuts" or "carbon sink mechanisms". This generated some divisions
among NGOs and Indigenous Peoples' Organizations, which weakened the
position of those truly interested in addressing climate change.
Southern governments, too, were divided on various issues,
particularly the so-called Clean Development Mechanism.
 
The atmosphere was much more humane outside the conference centre. A
demonstration organized by Friends of the Earth, for example, was a
huge success. People from all over the world joined forces to pile up
sandbags to form an enormous dyke in front of the conference centre.
Although the dyke was originally conceived as a symbol of the rising
waters which will come with global warming, it could also be
perceived as a dyke to protect the world from the decisions -- of the
lack thereof -- being taken inside the building.
 
And that was precisely the main problem: the lack of political will
to begin to do what everyone knows needs to be done. Or rather, too
much political will from the large corporations which dominate
politics in the US, Canada, Australia, Japan and other industrialized
countries, together with their armies of technocrats and tame civil
servants. Thus French President Chirac's statement criticizing the
trend of the negotiations was a welcome surprise. Among other things,
he stated that since 1992, Parties had fallen too far behind in
taking actions to combat climate change, and cautioned against
further delays. Furthermore, he highlighted that the US
produces a quarter of the world's emissions, and that the per capita
US levels of emissions are three times higher than those of France.
He called on the US to join other industrialized nations in making a
successful transition to an energy-efficient economy. He said the EU
had a duty to set an example by developing more economical forms of
consumption and production in terms of natural resources.
 
The US delegates were obviously not at all happy to hear this. Nor
did they like Chirac's support for an effective, equitable agreement
that leaves room for future development, an independent and impartial
compliance mechanism, effective cuts by Northern countries in their
emissions, and assistance for the most vulnerable countries to adapt
to the consequences of climate change. Noting that each country has a
duty to build structures that cut its own emissions to a minimum on a
sustainable basis, Chirac emphasized that setting up projects to
reduce emissions in other countries should not be seen as a means to
escape domestic measures. He called for a prudent approach to using
carbon sinks to alleviate climate change, and said that the ultimate
aim should be the convergence of per capita emissions.
 
Chirac's speech, however, was but a short parenthesis punctuating
closed-door dealings aimed at undermining everything he called for.
Emission cuts were never truly on the table. Neither was energy
efficiency or renewables. Even less so equity and justice. Corporate
lobbyists did their job well and visions of short-term financial
gains for a few elites clouded the brains of many Southern delegates,
whose countries and peoples will suffer most from climate change.
Obtaining a few dollars from prominent polluters for forest and
plantation projects was the aim of many -- never mind whether such
schemes were effective or not in slowing global warming. The US and
Japan, meanwhile, got their money's worth from these offers of bribes
in the form of support for some of their positions.
 
"Work it out!" was the official slogan of The Hague Conference. A
simple but meaningful slogan for anyone willing to understand and do
something -- but apparently meaningless to most of the government
delegates present at The Hague. Future generations confronted with
climate change will remember them as those who did NOT work it out.
 
(*) Quotations from Jacques Chirac's statement downloaded from the
Earth Negotiations Bulletin
 
************************************************************
* LOCAL STRUGGLES AND NEWS
************************************************************
 
AFRICA
 
- Gabon: The new Forestry Law and transnational companies
 
The draft Forestry Law being discussed by the Gabonese Parliament
encourages the industrialization of wood within the country.
According to the Ministry for Waters and Forests, the new law will
establish more strict rules concerning the exploitation of the
country's forests. Concessions to private companies will be granted
for a longer period of time, allegedly to favour the regeneration of
the forest. The government elected in December 1998 argues that its
policy tries to conciliate the interests of different agents
involved, with the aim of protecting the forests, and at the same
time diversifying its products. The Gabonese forestry sector has
until now strongly relied on the export of a single product: okoume
roundwood.
 
Even though this initiative, which tends to the diversification of
the country's economy, can be considered positive from a
macroeconomic point of view, capital questions remain unsolved. One
of them is that of public control over the use of natural resources.
In Gabon, as well as in other African countries, due to institutional
structural constraints protection norms are poorly implemented and
enforced. Does the new legislation create financial mechanisms to
ensure that the companies' operations are effectively controlled on
the ground?
 
The second relevant point is that of the so-called "stakeholders".
While transnational logging companies, responsible for the
destruction of tropical forests in the country, remain the most
important actors, forest dwelling peoples continue to be ignored.
Alternatives such as community forest management and locally-based
processing facilities are not taken into account. Additionally, the
new law appears to benefit specially --if not solely-- large logging
companies. In fact Societe Forestiere des Bois Tranches, Leroy Gabon,
Thanry, Groupe Rougier, Societe de Grumes de la Ngounie and other
important companies will be granted concessions for even longer
periods, and will almost certainly be the ones industrializing
roundwood, thus reaping the benefits of added value to the product.
 
In the context of an economy heavily dependent on the exploitation of
natural resources, massive foreign debt, and weak organization of
rural communities and civil society, the colonial vision prevails of
the forest as a mere source of wood managed and exploited by foreign
private companies. The new Forestry Law does not seem to help to
revert this situation.
 
Article based on information from: "Vers l'adoption d'une nouvelle
loi forestiere", Panafrican News Agency, November 3, 2000; "Slave and
Enclave. The Political Ecology of Equatorial Africa", Marcus
Colchester, WRM, 1994.
************************************************************
 
- Kenya: Local peoples' land rights ignored
 
Even though indigenous peoples and rural communities are the ones
directly bearing the brunt of the destruction of rainforests by
intruders, most national governments portray them as squatters and
responsible for the destruction of the forest and the extinction of
wildlife, and threaten them with eviction or undertake direct actions
to expel them from their homeland. This kind of abuse is often linked
to forest concessions awarded to logging companies --which
constitutes an absurd paradox if the aim of the authorities were to
protect the forest-- or the declared intention of protecting
endangered species, considering that nature conservation is only
possible in the absence of human beings. Both types of abuses are
happening in Kenya and the following are two such examples.
 
The Ogiek --a hunter-gatherer and harvester of honey people, dwelling
since time immemorial in the Mau Forest and adjacent areas-- have
once again been menaced by the authorities in order to force them to
abandon their ancestral lands. In 1991 the state partially recognized
their territorial rights to a portion of the Tinet forests, but this
did not result in an improvement in their situation. Nowadays the
Ogiek --numbering some 5000 people-- have been pushed into the last
Forest Belt of the former Mighty Mau and Mt. Elgon Forests. This is
the consequence of a process started in colonial times and continued
after the country's independence until the present time.
 
The successive governments have systematically ignored the Ogiek's
ancestral land rights, and allocated large areas of former forest
lands to the ruling elites. Additionally, part of the remaining
forest has been granted to logging companies, which would lead to
their quick destruction. Even though Kenya ratified several
international treaties related to the protection of the rights of
indigenous peoples --like the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights-- they have not been respected when concrete
policies are formulated and implemented.
 
A second example of abuse over land rights is related to
conservation. A plan to be implemented by the Kenya Wildlife Service
in the Tana River District in Coast Province --with financial support
from the Global Environmental Facility (GEF)-- to protect the red-
capped manabey, an endangered monkey species, is being resisted by
residents of Ngao and Ndera locations. The official promise to
compensate land owners has divided the local residents into two
groups: one of them accepts to move from their farms along the river,
while the other vows to stay, arguing that money cannot compensate
for the loss of their land and the dramatic change in their
lifestyle. In fact people are proposed to move to the semi-arid
plains of Ozi and Kipini where there are no rivers.
 
Molu Shambaro, a local leader and member of Parliament for the
district, who is opposed to the eviction, has expressed that local
dwellers' rights have to be respected, and has proposed that the
wildlife service involves local people in their campaign to conserve
the Tana River mangabey instead of forcing them to leave their lands.
Shambaro asserted that if local people get involved, wildlife
conservation and traditional lifestyle in the area will become
compatible. He also accused both the government body and its GEF
counterpart of corruption, which is considered to be the main reason
for the failure of conservation projects in the country.
 
Article based on information from: International Network of Forests
and Communities, 27/10/2000, e-mail:
network@forestsandcommunities.org ;
http://www.forestsandcommunities.org ; Thousands Face Eviction to
Conserve Kenya's Tana River Mangabey, by Naftali Mungai,
http://ens-news.com/ens/oct2000/2000L-10-20-01.html
************************************************************
 
- Nigeria: Shell's choice between profits and principles
 
Shell is continuing its clever misleading propaganda orchestrated
through advertisements circulating in the most influencial press
media of the North, in order to revamp its tarnished image and
convince public opinion that it is an environmentally friendly
company. The campaign "Profits and Principles: Is there a choice?" is
based on beautiful photographs of wild animals, lush forests, and
tender faces of African people accompanied by texts like: "Time and
again at Shell we're discovering the rewards of respecting the
environment when doing business". "If we're exploring for oil and gas
reserves in environmental sensitive regions, we consult widely with
the different local and global interest groups to ensure than
biodiversity in each location is preserved." "At Shell we are
committed to support fundamental human rights. We invest in the
communities around us to create new opportunities and growths."
 
Nevertheless in the Niger Delta reality could not be more far away
from the self image the company is making efforts to show. Since
1958, when Shell arrived to the region a nightmare began for the
Ogoni, an indigenous nation of about 500,000 people living in the
area. Counting on the support of successive governments Shell took
hold of Ogoniland. As in other parts of the world where oil is
exploited, the result has been high unemployment and poverty rates,
environmental devastation and loss of livelihoods for the local
people. Repression has been brutal. About 80,000 people had their
villages destroyed and about 2,000 were killed by the state armed
corps. Last November 10th marked the 5th anniversary of the murder of
the environmental leaders Ken Saro Wiwa, Barinem Kiobel,  John
Kpuinen, Saturday Dorbee,  Paul Levura, Nordu Eawo,  Felix Nuate, 
Daniel Gboko and Baribor Bera. Their "crime" was to fight for the
rights of their people against abuses commited by Shell and the
Nigerian military government that was backing it.
 
In 1993 the Ogoni declared Shell "persona non grata" and got it out
of their lands. But after an absence of seven years the company is
menacing to return to Ogoniland. In April this year the announcement
was made that the only aim of Shell was to remove its remaining
facilities, which were causing environmental problems in the area due
to the emission of poisonous gases and uncontrolled leaking.
Nonetheless in October Shell admitted that its real intentions were
to reactivate its 125 oil wells in the region. If this happens
violence, collusion and misery will increase. It is clear that Shell
has got an answer to the question of whether there is a choice
between profits and principles. The answer is yes and the choice is
profits.
 
Article based on information from:  "Some things never change" by
Andy Rowell and Owens Wiwa, The Guardian, 8/11/2000; "Greenwash
Award: Shell. Clouding the Issue" by Kenny Bruno, 15/11/2000
( http://www.corpwatch.org/greenwash/shell.html ); MOSOP Ogoni,
17/11/2000, e-mail: mosopgb@hotmail.com
 
(The full text of the memorial message from Ms. Gbenewa Phido,
President of MOSOP-UK on 11/11/2000 to mark the 5th memorial
anniversary of the murder of Ken Saro Wiwa and other Ogoni leaders,
has been included in our web site under: Information by
country/Nigeria. Previous articles published in our Bulletin about
the struggle of the peoples of the Niger Delta are available in the
same site)
************************************************************
 
- Tanzania: Impasse on commercial shrimp farming at Rufiji Delta
mangroves
 
The Rufiji Delta in South Eastern Tanzania holds some 53,255 hectares
of unspoiled mangrove forest. These mangroves are not only a key
element for the environment in the region by stabilising the
coastline, building land through accumulation of silt and the
production of detritus, preserving the quality of water, and serving
as windbreaks for the hinterland, but also constitutes the source of
livelihoods for thousands of people living there (see WRM Bulletin
12).
 
In April 1999, Tanzanian NGOs were able to secure an interim order
staying plans of the African Fishing Company's 10,000 hectare shrimp
farm project at Rufiji Delta. Would the project have been
implemented, one third of the whole Rufiji Delta would have ended up
in the hands of the company for a period of no less than ten years,
thus threatening the livelihoods of thousands of local farmers and
fisherfolk living in the delta, and causing severe environmental
impacts that would have put at risk the future of the region.
 
The panel of three judges chosen to hear and dictate on the case
disintegrated when one of its members retired and another one was
transferred. The case has not yet been assigned to another panel and
it appears that at present there are not enough judges to constitute
a new one. In the meantime, the company is said to be facing severe
financial constraints which would have even forced it to sell part of
its assets. Although the situation is not yet clear, it seems that
the efforts carried out by concerned citizens and organizations have
managed to save --at least for the time being-- the mangroves and
local peoples' livelihoods.
 
Article based on information from: Late Friday News, 71st Edition,
October 2000; e-mail: mangroveap@olympus.net
************************************************************
 
ASIA
 
- India: Mining and plantations put National Park at risk
 
The temporary work permit given to the Kudremukh Iron Ore Company
(KIOCL) to continue the extraction of iron in the Kudremukh National
Park, located in the Western Ghats region of the state of Karnataka,
has given place to severe criticism from national and international
environmental NGOs, which had been putting pressure on the
authorities for the company's request to be denied.
 
KIOCL has been operating in the Aroli and Malleshwara regions of
Kudremukh National Park, under a 30-year lease, which expired in July
1999. Since then, the company has been lobbying to obtain a 20-year
extension on the lease, but it has only been granted two successive
year long temporary permits.
 
Impacts of mining in the area are apparent. A report of the Indian
NGO Environment Support Group (ESG) proves that many fish varieties
have disappeared due to pollution, and points out that farmers
complain about the decline in agricultural productivity downstream
due to deposition of mine tailings. River pollution has provoked an
increase in cases of disease among villagers. In 1987 a 67 metre long
slurry pipeline broke and its leakage reached the Yennehole River,
which led to severe environmental damage.
 
The only action supposedly undertaken by KIOCL to mitigate the
impacts on forests and rivers in the area has been to plant alien
trees! The company adduces having implemented a "reforestation"
programme by planting 7.5 million acacia, eucalyptus and other alien
tree species. If such claims were true it would make things even
worse, since the substitution of a portion of forest by a plantation
prevents the regeneration of the secondary forest, thereby
impoverishing the environment. Both mining and plantations are a
direct cause of deforestation. Nevertheless that of Kudremukh
constitutes a particular case where both activities combine to
destroy the forest.
 
At present the State Government has ordered an environmental impact
study be undertaken before an extension on the lease is granted.
However, this is not seen as a sufficient guarantee by local
environmentalists. Leo Saldanha from the Environment Support Group
says: "I sincerely believe that a systematic public campaign is the
most appropriate option to ensure mining ends in Kudremukh. Nothing
like the people's will to bend a government that is intent on
violating public commitments and the law."
 
Article based on information from: Drillbits & Tailings; 18/8/2000.
Volume 5, Number 13
************************************************************
 
- Laos: Subsidies for Swedish profits in the forestry sector
 
On 7th November 2000 the formal opening of a US$2.9 million
laminated-wood processing factory took place at Nabong Farm, 30
kilometres from Vientiane, the capital of Lao PDR. The factory will
initially sell timber pallets to IKEA, the Swedish retailing giant,
and in future will produce furniture under the trademark Vicwood.
Financing came from a series of loans --US$550,000 from IKEA,
US$800,000 from the International Finance Corporation, the private
sector arm of the World Bank, and US$300,000 from Swedfund, the
Swedish IFC counterpart. The timber will come from Burapha's
1,200 hectares of Eucalyptus camaldulensis plantations, and from the
Asian Development Bank's Industrial Tree Plantations project, which
aims to establish 10,000 hectares of plantations in Laos.
 
Burapha's publicity materials claim that the factory will bring
"beautiful hardwoods" to "discerning world markets without
devastating the natural tropical forests". However, while IKEA has
found a new source of cheap timber, with or without Burapha's factory
project the logging of Laos' forests continues.
 
The Burapha Group is structured perfectly to gain the most from the
subsidies available for plantation development in Laos. The company
is a subsidiary of the Swedish forest industry company Silvi Nova AB,
and in Laos consists of three companies: BAFCO (Burapha Agroforestry
Co. Ltd.); NAFCO (Nabong Farm Co. Ltd.); and BDC (Burapha Development
Consultants Co. Ltd.). The first two companies are commercial
ventures --BAFCO produces and exports wood based products from its
own plantations, and NAFCO is a dairy farm which supplies Vientiane
with dairy products, chicken and eggs. BDC however plays a very
different role, being the largest consulting firm in Laos, providing
advice on financial analysis, engineering, environment, forestry,
agriculture and livestock and rural development.
 
In the early 1990s Burapha Development Consultants (along with Jaakko
Poyry) won a contract for consultancy services for the Asian
Development Bank's US$16 million Industrial Tree Plantations Project.
Today, the Burapha Group factory in Nabong buys timber from
eucalyptus plantations established under the ADB project.
 
In 1995 Jaakko Poyry and Burapha produced a report for the ADB
commenting on the Lao Government's laws on plantations, Directive
186. Among the consultant's recommendations were that export taxes
and transport taxes should be reduced. In other words, the
consultants recommend increasing their company's profits at the
expense of villagers' land and livelihoods.
 
When the Lao Government gets advice from forestry consultants through
a project funded by the Asian Development Bank, it may believe that
it is getting the best advice that money can buy. In Burapha's case
however there is a clear conflict of interest. The company is
providing advice recommending more subsidies through the ADB to
produce cheap timber which Burapha then buys and exports. No wonder
that a Burapha representative in Vientiane said about the ADB
project, "The project for Burapha has been a success, I'm not sure
about the project as a whole".
 
By: Chris Lang, e-mail: chrislang@t-online.de
************************************************************
 
- Malaysia: Campaign against plantation and pulp mill project in
Sabah
 
A plantation project that would occupy about 3% of the area of Sabah,
in northern Borneo, and provoke the clearcutting of 6% of its
dwindling primary forests is being promoted in Kalabakan by a joint-
venture between the State-owned company Innoprise Corporation Sdn
Bhd, Lions Group of Malaysia and the China Fuxing Pulp and Paper
Industries of China. The plantation and pulp and paper mill
megaproject, whose cost has been evaluated in U$S 1.1 billion, will
require the felling of 240,000 hectares of forest to be replaced by a
massive monoculture plantation of black wattle trees (Acacia mangium)
--also known as dry acacia or mangium tree-- a fast growing tree
native to Australia.
 
The project has sparked criticism because of its expected impacts and
for not having even adhered to the weak legal environmental
requirements existing in Sabah. According to the Sabah Conservation
of Environment Prescribed Activities, any forest which is cleared for
the felling of timber covering an area of 500 hectares or more or any
development of forest plantation of 500 hectares or more requires an
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA). Nevertheless 12,000 hectares
of the land of the proposed project have already been logged without
a single EIA done. Innoprise Corporation has claimed that no EIA is
required since the logging operation was approved before the State
EIA requirement was enforced, and announced the logging of another
33,000 hectares. The company completely ignores the Federal
Government's Environment Quality Act of 1974 and the Environmental
Quality Order of 1987 which oblige to perform EIA for these kind of
activities. Sahabat Alam Malaysia (SAM) --Friends of the Earth
Malaysia-- has denounced that by allowing the logging to proceed
without an EIA, the Sabah Government is completely disregarding the
environmental impacts of the logging activities and is manipulating
the law in favour of the interests of big companies and to the
detriment of forest conservation.
 
It is reasonably feared that this huge plantation will provoke
deletereous impacts on the environment. The plantation area will cut
the biggest remaining block of continuous forest in the region which
extends between the Danum Valley and the Maliau Basin, both
classified as Class One Protection Areas. The area contains high
biodiversity levels, including 120 mammal, 280 bird, and more than
2500 tree species. This biodiversity rich ecosystem is in danger of
being substituted by a uniform and biodiversity poor agrosystem.
Already wild animals are reported to have been sighted more often,
probably fleeing from the logged area. Since the land of the proposed
project is mostly steep, felling for plantations will expose the soil
to direct erosion by rainfall. Sediments could reach the coastal
mangrove vegetation in Cowie Bay, depleting marine resources.
Consequences are already apparent: with only 12,000 hectares logged
the Danum Valley has been recently flooded. Local microclimate will
also be affected because often once the rainforest is replaced with a
plantation it will dry and heat up. Additionally, this could create
negative conditions for the plantation itself, which would become
more prone to fires.
 
The effects of pulping and bleaching are also threatening. The use of
chlorine in bleaching the pulp has caused the industry to be the
third largest source of dioxin and its related compounds in the
world. This problem is further compounded by the fact that Malaysia
still has no policy on dioxin damage prevention. Carbon dioxide,
sulphur oxides and chloroform are some of the polluting gases emitted
by this industry. Furthermore about 300 chemicals, among them organic
pollutants, chlorophenicols, acidic and organichlorine compounds have
been identified in pulp and paper mill effluents. 
 
To stop further destruction, SAM has called the State Government of
Sabah and the Federal Government to halt all further logging
activities, take action against the parties that are responsible for
logging the 12,000 hectares of forest without an EIA, undertake a
comprehensive EIA of the project, seek extensive and genuine feedback
from the public in relation to the reviewing of the EIA, review as a
whole given the magnitude and scale of its expected environmental
impacts. Additionally an international campaign has been launched to
oppose this project. Those interested in participating are invited to
visit our new web site (www.wrm.org.uy) under Action Alerts - October
2000.